Andrew Sullivan gave a great speech recently at Princeton entitled, The Politics of Homosexuality. In a section on liberalism, he argues against hate crime laws. He worries that as an extension of identity politics, they contribute to a "balkanization" of society. That instead of protecting minority rights, it actually threatens them further by provoking resentment in those who don't seem to enjoy the same protections.
I'm not sure I agree with him on this. To me, the strongest argument for hate crime laws is the public acknowledgment of a special kind of culturally and institutionally polluting act. Our species has lived with all manner of xenophobia and ethnic hatred. In the same way that certain crimes against the state are deemed terrorist, or treasonous, I can see how a special category of crime can be applied to hate-based acts, those targeted toward a group that has historically been the victim of majority group discrimination. Because what is a hate crime really but a form of cultural terrorism.
To the degree that some people might be provoked to resent discriminated groups even more, why should we make apologies for their bigotry? In a practical sense, does Sullivan actually think that the existence of hate crime laws has contributed to any greater level of discrimination and violence? By calling Mathew Shepard's brutal murder a hate crime, it highlighted the narrative of hatred in the crime. It was a public shaming, a spotlight on a part of our society that we are definitively and forcibly making clear that we shall not tolerate. If it had been considered nothing more than another random, senseless murder, the narrative lies fallow, hidden away to succor within our dangerously forgetful collective unconscious.
Maybe hate crimes have no real effect on future acts. That seems an unknowable prognosis. But they do have symbolic significance. They mark a clear line in the sand as to what we as a society are trying to be. And they are acknowledging that we are still not there yet. Maybe their real achievement will be when we no longer have to employ them at all.
A bastard's take on human behavior, politics, religion, social justice, family, race, pain, free will, and trees
Showing posts with label terrorism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label terrorism. Show all posts
Monday, March 15, 2010
Friday, February 19, 2010
Terrorist Rhetoric
Since the IRS bombing there's been a question as to what the motivations were. To what extent they were political or just plain crazy?
I've had a difficult time parsing this one myself. Obviously he was a bit nuts. So was the Tiller shooter. So was the Ft. Hood shooter. While there does appear to be an obvious political dimension to their acts, they were lone wolves - not connected to a larger orchestrated plot. They were not members of Al Queda, the IRA, Hamas, etc.
But does terrorism have to be directly connected to a parent organization? Couldn't individuals, acting with an intent that correlates with the larger stated aims of a political movement, be considered terrorists? And even if that movement had no organization yet committed to violence? Timothy Mc Veigh would fit into this category. He was obviously bred from the rhetoric of a an anti-government movement. There are still many militias that, while not quite plotting anything specific, are organized around a belief in the illegitimacy of the federal government and the prospects of armed resistance.
The real problem seems to me not to be whether this was an act of terrorism - I think it was - but the degree to which it was inspired by inflammatory rhetoric from the right. There are certainly many principled right-wing arguments to be made. This act is in no way an indictment of them. But it is an indictment of the language used both to give a certain contemporary context for those principles, and suggestions as to how one ought to react to them. An interesting example of this is Scott Brown's reaction to the event. I don't see him as having a particularly radical right-wing perspective, but someone who obviously took advantage of the populist right-wing momentum and messaging. Here he is responding to Cavuto:
I'm not aware of any pundit explicitly calling for violence. But are many examples of inflammatory rhetoric on the right that all but call for outright armed revolution. The language that many of the more radical pundits use is rife with evocations of a struggle that would seem to legitimize the use of violent force. The most popular among them, Glenn Beck, consistently refers to "tyranny", "rising up", "taking back the country", and ultimately evoking again and again the narrative of the founders revolting violently against the British, our present situation being assumedly very similar.
This is a serious allegation, and runs the risk of delegitimizing honest political speech by casting unfair aspersions. But again, this in no way argues that right-wing critiques are necessarily incorrect. But the framing, and language used can certainly cross the line, and when it does it would not be unfair to wonder whether it might end up promoting violent behavior. This happened on the left 40 years ago. And certainly there was language and framing used during the bush years that crossed a line. But the difference is not necessarily in the language used - although I would argue that being used on the right today is often times much worse. It is in the media landscape. The radical, violent rhetoric is not limited to a radical fringe. It is coming from leading conservative figures, sometimes even members of congress.
In the Tiller case, the shooter likely believed that Tiller was a murderer. The rhetoric on the anti-abortion right is that of mass-murder. If this is true, then armed resistance seems a reasonable response. The American revolution was a reasonable response to what was the very definition of tyranny. Were that to be the case today, then violent revolt could be justified. But of course, to reasonable people, we are experiencing nothing like tyranny.
The language being used - one would hope - is often for dramatic effect, not to accurately describe reality. When pressed, these pundits will usually back-peddle and explain that they were merely being hyperbolic. Yet unfortunately for many, listening day in and day out and who may not get their news from any other sources, the narrative becomes the reality. This is evidenced by interviews with attendees at Sara Palin book signings and Tea party rallies, many of who hold signs parroting a literal interpretation of the "hyperbolic" language. When one of them finally decides to pick up a gun, bomb, or plane and do something, well, it shouldn't surprise us.
I've had a difficult time parsing this one myself. Obviously he was a bit nuts. So was the Tiller shooter. So was the Ft. Hood shooter. While there does appear to be an obvious political dimension to their acts, they were lone wolves - not connected to a larger orchestrated plot. They were not members of Al Queda, the IRA, Hamas, etc.
But does terrorism have to be directly connected to a parent organization? Couldn't individuals, acting with an intent that correlates with the larger stated aims of a political movement, be considered terrorists? And even if that movement had no organization yet committed to violence? Timothy Mc Veigh would fit into this category. He was obviously bred from the rhetoric of a an anti-government movement. There are still many militias that, while not quite plotting anything specific, are organized around a belief in the illegitimacy of the federal government and the prospects of armed resistance.
The real problem seems to me not to be whether this was an act of terrorism - I think it was - but the degree to which it was inspired by inflammatory rhetoric from the right. There are certainly many principled right-wing arguments to be made. This act is in no way an indictment of them. But it is an indictment of the language used both to give a certain contemporary context for those principles, and suggestions as to how one ought to react to them. An interesting example of this is Scott Brown's reaction to the event. I don't see him as having a particularly radical right-wing perspective, but someone who obviously took advantage of the populist right-wing momentum and messaging. Here he is responding to Cavuto:
..I don't know if it's related but I can just sense not only in my election but since being here in Washington, people are frustrated. They want transparency. They want their elected officials to be accountable and open and talk about the things that are affecting their daily lives. So I'm not sure if there's a connection there. I certainly hope not...Now, he's obviously not condoning the act. But he is expressing sympathy for the narrative that the bomber apparently acted from. He's literally making the man's case for him post-mortem. He calls for transparency and accountability - reasonable enough claims, but two issues that have been specific right-wing critiques of the Obama administration and inflated so as to trump up the more conspiratorial claims of government illigitimacy.
I'm not aware of any pundit explicitly calling for violence. But are many examples of inflammatory rhetoric on the right that all but call for outright armed revolution. The language that many of the more radical pundits use is rife with evocations of a struggle that would seem to legitimize the use of violent force. The most popular among them, Glenn Beck, consistently refers to "tyranny", "rising up", "taking back the country", and ultimately evoking again and again the narrative of the founders revolting violently against the British, our present situation being assumedly very similar.
This is a serious allegation, and runs the risk of delegitimizing honest political speech by casting unfair aspersions. But again, this in no way argues that right-wing critiques are necessarily incorrect. But the framing, and language used can certainly cross the line, and when it does it would not be unfair to wonder whether it might end up promoting violent behavior. This happened on the left 40 years ago. And certainly there was language and framing used during the bush years that crossed a line. But the difference is not necessarily in the language used - although I would argue that being used on the right today is often times much worse. It is in the media landscape. The radical, violent rhetoric is not limited to a radical fringe. It is coming from leading conservative figures, sometimes even members of congress.
In the Tiller case, the shooter likely believed that Tiller was a murderer. The rhetoric on the anti-abortion right is that of mass-murder. If this is true, then armed resistance seems a reasonable response. The American revolution was a reasonable response to what was the very definition of tyranny. Were that to be the case today, then violent revolt could be justified. But of course, to reasonable people, we are experiencing nothing like tyranny.
The language being used - one would hope - is often for dramatic effect, not to accurately describe reality. When pressed, these pundits will usually back-peddle and explain that they were merely being hyperbolic. Yet unfortunately for many, listening day in and day out and who may not get their news from any other sources, the narrative becomes the reality. This is evidenced by interviews with attendees at Sara Palin book signings and Tea party rallies, many of who hold signs parroting a literal interpretation of the "hyperbolic" language. When one of them finally decides to pick up a gun, bomb, or plane and do something, well, it shouldn't surprise us.
Monday, November 9, 2009
Brooks Rematch: Choice and Cultural Psychopathology

Brooks' latest takes on the Ft. Hood massacre. I liked my comment and decided to submit it as a formal letter to the editor. (It worked before).
"Brooks sets up a false dichotomy when he describes Hasan as being either driven by psychological and emotional disturbances, or having selected from cultural and religious narratives. One is certainly at the mercy of one's mental state. But isn't one just as compelled by their cultural state as well? That is, aren't we all forced to choose from a limited palette of memories and social experiences?
Surely we are only able to "choose" one or another narrative to the degree that we possess the mental and experiential awareness to do so. This is why entire nations follow similar religions. This is why we raise our children the best we can.
Hasan chose his narrative, to the extent that he selected ideas that appealed to his experience and impulses. But this "choice" was no more his own than a neurological disorder or underdeveloped cerebral cortex would have been."
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